
(i^tcrw, 4 8 08. 




Class — L 33_fc_ 

.5 
Book .5^5 



INTERESTING 

CORRESPONDENCE 

BETWEEN """"^ 

HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOUR SULLIVAN 



COL. PICKERING; 

IN WHICH THE LATTER 

VINDICATES HIMSELF AGAINST THE GROUNDLESS 
CHARGES MADE AGAINST HIM 



GOVERNOUR AND OTHERS. 



BOSTON : 

PRINTED By GREENOUGH AND STEBBIHS, 

Over the Palladium Office. 
1808. 



^3 3/^ 

■ S 






GOV. SULLIVAN TO COL. PICKERING. 



BOSTON, ISth MARCH, ISOS. 



SIR, 

I YESTERDAY had yours of the 9th inftant. 
It was fent to me from the poll-office. I had intended to have 
negledled your letters in the poft-office, merely becaufe I would 
avoid being drav/n into an epiftolary controverfy by a man, who 
from his fituation can better purfue it, and from his inclination and 
habits can better attend to it than I can : but the letter was brought 
by the poft-boy, and I opened it. 

I cannot but pity the chagrin with which the propriety of my 
•onduft in returning unread, your former letter, has involved you. 
I will firft notice your ungentlemanlike, infidious, and even profane 
remarks on the proclamation I have iffued for a day of publick fail- 
ing and prayer. Your profeflions to have read that production 
with pleafure can never be conlldered as founded in fincerity, while 
you are evidently attempting to difturb and fubvert the devotion 
ef all the men, who are engaged in commerce, of all who are en- 
gaged in the fifheries, and confequently of all who depend upon 
commerce for a market for the produce of their lands : and in faft 
to deftroy the temper of mind, which the day has a claim to ; and 
which the circumftances of the country afford to it. • 

When I invited the people to pray for a bleffing on their en- 
terprizes by fea and land, I did not expeft that this would be im- 
proved to urge them to fedition and rebellion againft the govern- 
ment of the nation, if an embargo or any other rcftriftion upon or 
regulation of trade (hould be deemed neceflary as a meafure of na- 
tional fafety, you cannot but obforve that the intvoduftory part of 
that draft is on general publick principles, and that our peculiar fit- 
uatidti at this time is very flightly touched upon. Your temper, 



urged to an extreme by your difappointmcnt in not having your 
own opinion the rule of national meafurcs over the majority of Con- 
grefs, has carried you too far. 

As to my treatment of your former letter in returning it un- 
read, the more it is confidered the more it muft be approved. You, 
indeed, found your claim upon me as being the organ of your com- 
munication in your being a fenator ; but you will rccoUoft that 
there is another fenator from this ftate befides yon, and that there 
are foventecn reprefentatives. The vi-orld knows that your view of 
national affairs, and that of your colleague are widely different : 
and that your fentiments would be direftly contradiftory to each 
other. We are unfortunate enough to know that there is among 
our reprefentatives as great a variance in opinion, more efpecially 
on the fubjcft of your letter, which I returned unread, the embargo. 
You acknowledge in your letter of the 9th, that all of them have 
an equal claim with you to make the govcrnour an organ of commu- 
nication ; and you mufl confefs, and if you [do] not, it is a faft 
well known that their ftatements of our national affairs, more efpe- 
cially as to the prefent embargo, would be widely different from 
yours and from each other. If the governour of this commonwealth 
was obliged to communicate what every member fhould direft him 
to do, what would be the confcquence ? Would he not transfer all 
the debates of the national legiflature from Wafhington to Boflon, 
where they would remain under fVuitlefs inoperative difcufTion ; 
where decifions could have no efficacy, and the means of correft 
information, and the voice of all concerned, as parties intercflcd, 
mufl be excluded. Each flate having the fame claim, the national 
compaft muft ceafe to esiil. 

I have read your letter in print fince I returned the manu- 
fcript. It was printed, I find, before I received it by the mail. 
Had I read it on receiving it, I fhould, independent of your extra- 
ordinary claim, have refufcd to lay it before the legiflature of this 
ftate, as a public document. The communication from the gover- 
nour of this commonwealth to its legiflature, mufl be always of some- 
thing which he believes to defcrve their attention, and to be within 



their authority to act upon as a legiflature. I do not conceive that 
your letter was xvithin this dtfcription. It appears to me on fend- 
ing it from the prefs, to have been a feditious, diforganizing produc- 
tion. The people of MafTachufctts called me to the head of this 
ftate under the expeftation that I fliould confolidate the common- 
wealth, and ftrengthen the national union and energy ; I {hall not, 
therefore, be made a tool of by you, for effecting direftly oppofitc 
purpofes. 

If we are any thing, \vc arc a nation under the organization of 
the general government. I will not vvafte time here to inquire 
whether that government is right in regard to the embargo or not. 
No government is always right. You may take it for granted, if 
you pleafe, that the embargo aft was an error, yet it was a confti- 
tutional aft. It was the exercife of a power which muft, from the 
nature of things exift in the national government. What then was 
your appeal from the fovcreign power of the nation to the authority- 
of one of the ftates for, but to difunitc, divide, and diffolve the na- 
tion ? Are you not one of the men who were lately fo very vocif- 
eious againft diforganization ? If the fenalors of MafTachufctts, 
when they happen to be in a minority in Congrefs, can appeal to 
their ftate, why cannot Rhode -Ifland, Connefticut, Ncw-Hamp- 
fhire, and thofe of the other ftates do the fame ? And where will 
this end but in an overthrow of the national government ? This 
diffolution you will deny to be an objeft with you ; but yet you 
will not deny that there is in exiftence fuch a charafter as Aaron 
Burr. You will not deny Miranda's expedition, or Burr's plot. 
You will not hefitate to own that feveral millions of dollars have 
been by them expended, or that more than half of it was expended 
by Burr, who had no money of his own. I do not call on you 
to fay where this money was obtained ; you do not know. But 
this you know, that fuccefs in that plot would have been the 
dcftruftion of the United States, and that his plan would 
have divided the nation, and placed the northern part of it under 
the dominion of a foreign power. You certainly know, Sir, that 
the fuft principle in the focial compaft of a rcpublick is, that the 
voice of a conftitutioual majority (hall govern ; the moment you 



depart from this in praftice, that moment you dlfToIve your gor- 
ernmcnt, at lead as far as you depart from it. Wliat then is the 
fum of all your labours, but an attempt to excite uneafincfs, difcon- 
tent, and divifions in the nation, becaufe the minority of whom yon 
happen to be one, cannot govern tht majority in a great national 
queftion ? If there ever was an attempt in its nature and confe- 
quences tending to rebellion and fedition, this is one. I write free- 
ly. Sir, the fituation of the country demands it. 

If the legiflature of Maflachufetts could, on the communica- 
tion of even both its fenators, jointly made, by the governour, as 
their involuntary organ, control the national councils in regard to 
•ur concerns veith foreign powers, why fliould not the l(5giflatures 
of each of the other ftates do the fame ? And does not this com- 
plet -ly diflblve the national compaft ? Is this what you and your 
party are after ? If it is, come forward and avow it openly, and we 
fhall know where to meet you. 

I requefl that this may clofe our corrcfpondence. I have not 
time to wafte in tliis way. I can gain the end of my political 
year as governour without your aid ; and as a private citizen I 
want no information from you. 1 have already affured you that 
I will not bo the organ of your communication ; and^ Iftiow aiTure 
you that I will not be the objeft of your addrefs in matters evident- 
ly tending to the overthrow and diflblution of the United States. 

Your letters are evidently intended for the prefs. That of 
the 9th I apprehend was under the type before it reached me ; and 
will be publifhed before you have this. TSHiy do you not fend 
them immediately to the printer, and let me reft in quiet ? 

We arc wrong if we quarrel with our own political exiftence. 
We are a nation ; and though there were not a fe-w 'who nvere fed 
dally on the puhUck rations that from timidity or fame other catifi, doubt- 
ed the prnpriely of the declaration of independence, yet we (hall now be 
wretched beyond defcription or example, if we divide ourfelves 
among the European nations. We (hall in that cafe fight theiv 



battles, and pay the expenfes of their wars. We (hall in each flate 
have one or more tyrants for leaders, in cruel wars amongfl; 
ourfelves. Look at Poland and other nations who have trufied in 
foreign proteftion. Indeed, Sir, let our national government be 
bad or good, we have nothing but that under God to fave us from 
aggravated ruin : and yet your exertions appear to me to tend di- 
reftly to its fubverfion. Inftead of the infidious jealoufies your 
letters are calculated to fpread, you ought as a fenator to exprefs 
your mind freely on meafures ; and when there is a majority againft 
you, you ought to fubmit until the ftrength of your calm reafoning 
fhal! bring them over ; or circumftances and events fhall point to 
your fuperior wifdom. This di&atortal temper cannot be indulged 
to any man ; it is oppofed to the firll principles of the fecial com- 
pad. 

I do not go into the queftion, whether the embargo acl, which 
you make, or would make the apple of difcord to fet this com- 
monwealth in an uproar againft the federal government, is right or 
wrong ; it is enough for me that it is a conftitutional aft of the 
fupreme power of the nation. If it proves to be wrong on expe- 
rience, the fame power can repeal it. 

Mr. Adams, your colleague, is quite oppofed to you in his 
opinion of the embargo. He voted for it, and ftill confiders it as 
a wife meafure, and as a neceffary one. I have his letters before 
me upon it. I know nothing peculiar in you, that ought to make 
your opinion the ftandard of my judgment, or the rule of this 
ftate ; more efpecially when it appears to be intemperately fet 
againll the whole government of the United States. 

I am. 

Your very humble fervant, 

JAMES SULLIVAN. 

The Hon. TIMOTHY PICKERING, Efq. 
a Senator in Coiigrefs, United States. 



u. 



COL. PICKERING TO GOV. SULLIVAN. 



CITY OF WASHINGTON, APRIL 22, 180S, 



SIR, 

SO much time has elapfed fince your Excellency 
fent me your letter of the 18th of March, you may imagine that I 
have forgotten you. But for many reafons that letter demands 
my notice. It was evidently intended for the prefs, to promote 
your re-appointment, at the approaching eleftion. But a review 
of the copy, replete with unwarrantable criminations and rudenefs, 
probably fatisfied you, or your friends advifed you, that a pubhca- 
tion of the whole might rather prejudice than promote your inter- 
eft ; and therefore you fupprelFcd the greater part. But fear- 
ing no charges which your Excellency has brought or can bring 
againft me ; and thinking it proper that the whole letter fhould be 
known ; I (hall publiih it entire. Thofe who will be at the trouble 
to compare the paragraphs you have chofen to publi(h as extraBs, 
with the letter itfelf, wiU fee that they are fo compounded, and 
yith fuch alterations and additions, as to be, in faft, njludied im- 
pfifit'wn on the public. 

In examifting your letter, I obferve many extraordinaiy paf- 
fagcs calling for animadverfion ; but to notice all of them, would 
too feverely taflc my ovtn, as well as the reader's patience. In my 
remarks, it may fometimes be difficult to adapt my language to the 
fubjeft, without wounding the public fcnfe of the decorum proper 
to be obferved in a writing intended for the publick eye. But it 
fliall be my endeavour not to tranfgrefs that bound. 

Your E-cellency perceiving that doubt or difbelief had arifen, 
relative to your alTertion, that you returned my firft letter " un- 
read," feems refolved, in your lall, to remove all doubt, and to en- 
2 



10 

force belief, by repealing, direftly or indireAly, five or fix times, 
that you did (end it back unread. Now, a plain man, coiifcious of 
having told the truth, would have refted on a fingle aflertion. 

You fiiggcll that the governour's communication to the Icgifla- 
ture " mud be always of fomcthing which he believes to dcfcrve 
their attention, and to be within their authority as a legiflature :" 
but that " you do not conceive that my letter was within this de- 
fcription." This opinion of my letter you appear to have formed 
Jince you ackiictvkJge that you have read it. And how could you 
undertake to decide that point, as by your own ftatement you did, 
iuUhout reading it ? Was it not pofTible, was it not probable, that in 
the aftual ftate of things, the information it contained might afford 
matter proper for the confideration of the legiflature of Maffachu- 
fetts, relative to the embargo, which was peculiarly injurious to 
that ftate ? Will your Excellency maintain the fervile dodlrine that 
as freemen they might not even take into confideration their griev- 
ances, refulting from the meafures of their national rulers ? May 
not the legiflative body of a ftate mal^e known to t!ie national legif- 
lature the fur-'ringo of the whole people of a ftate, as individuals 
exhibit their private wrongs ? Is it lawful for legiflative bodies only 
fo far to interfere as to ex profs approbation, and never, however 
forcible the call, their tlijapprobnlitjn of national meafures, by mak- 
ing application for a change .' Has your Excellency forgotten that, 
during this very feflion of Congrefs, as governour of Maftachufetts 
(and as you ftate, " with the unanimous requeft of its lcg'fl;iture,") 
you prcfented to Congrefs a _/ro/;^ memorial in behalf of fome of 
the citizens of that ftate who had been purchafers of lands under 
grantB from Georgia ? And d-d the eftential intercfts of a// her" citi- 
zens, deeply aflfefted by the embargo, Icfs merit the attention of 
your Excellency and the legiflature than the claims of a fmall num- 
ber of thofe citizens ? — Perhaps you will fay that the legiflature 
had already adopted refolutions approving of the embargo. True ; 
and I accounted for it on the fuppofition, very naturally to Be en- 
teitaincd by the legiflature. That the aflembled ivtfdom of the 
nation, at Walliington, would not have adopted fo terrible a reme- 
dy but for evils of the greateft magnitude, which an embargo alone 



11 

coiild avert. Now the great defign of my letter was, to fatisfy them 
that the embargo was not, in the national legiflature, the ofFspring 
of ivifdom : for ivifJom cannot exifl without hnotvledge : and I ftill 
afRrm that Congrefs were not informed of any adequate caufe for 
the embargo : and therefore, inftead of implicit approbation, the 
embargo demanded examination, and perhaps a remonftrance, with 
the view to effeft its repeal. 

But you fay " Mr. Adams, my colleague, is quite oppofed to 
" me in his opinion of the embargo. He voted for it, and Itill con- 
•• fiders it a wife meafure, and a neceflary one. You have his let- 
" ters before you upon it." True — he did vote for the embargo : 
and I must now tell your Excellency how he advocated that meaf- 
ure. It is not willingly, Sir, that I fpeak of him in an addrefs to 
the publick. Though often oppofed in opinion, on national meafures, 
there has never cxifted for a moment any perfonal difference be- 
tween us. But as you have now contrafted his opinion with mine, 
to invalidate my publick ftatements ; you compel me to relate 
the faft. 

In my firft letter I informed your Excellency of the hade with 
which the embargo bill was paffcd in the fenate. I alfo informed 
you that " a little more time was repeatedly aflced, to obtain further 
" information, and to corifukr a meafure of fuch moment, of fuch uni- 
" verfal concern ; but that thefe requefts were denied ;" and I mud 
now add, by no one more zealoufly than by Mr. Adams, ray col- 
league. Hear his words. But even your Excellency's ftrong faith 
in the prefident's fuprcme wifdom may paufe, while independent 
men will be fliocked at the anfvver of my colleague to thofe requefts. 
" The prefident (faid he) has recommended the meafure on his 
*' high refponfibility : I would not conftder — I would not deliberate : 
" I would aB. Doubtlefs tlie pnjident poffeflcs fuch further in- 
" formation as will juftify the meafure !" Need I give to your 
Excellency any other proof (though other proof abounds) of 
" blind confidence in our rulers ?" Need I give further evidence of 
" the dangerous extent of executive influence ?" — When the peo- 
ple of MafTachufetts fee a man of Mr. Adams's acknowledged abili - 



12 

ties and learning advancing fuch fentiments ; when tliey fee a rnan 
of his knowledge of the nature of all governments, and of his inti- 
mate acquaintance with our own free republican government, and 
of the rights and duties of the legiflature ; efpecially of their W^ti 
and duly to confider, to deliberate, and according to their own judg- 
ment, independently of executive pleafnre, to decide on every pub- 
lick meafure : When, I fay, the people of Maflachufctts fee this ; 
will they wonder if a majority in Congrefs (hould be ovei 'whelmed by 
the authority of cwri/Z/tv recommendation ? And had I not reafon to 
be alarmed at " the dangerous extent of executive influence," 
which to me appeared to be leading the pubbck mind, by its blind 
confidence, to publick ruin ? 

Without commenting on the very exceptionable language ia 
which your Excellency has judged it not improper to indulge, in 
refpcft to my remarks on your proclamation for a day of publick 
falling and prayer, I feel myfelf called upon to repel the charge, 
that my ^'^ profejfwns to have read that proelamathn luithpleafure, can 
never be confulered as founded in ftncerily." — You, Sir, may affeft to 
doubt my fincerity : but no perfons acquainted with my life and 
converfation will fufpcdl it. Thefe perfons know I am not a hypo- 
crite in religion : and by this time I believe your Excellency is 
convinced that I am not a hypocrite in politick*. — But, Sir, I mufl: 
avow to you, that I am incapable of profaning any religious infti- 
tution. With perfeft truth, 1 repeat to your Excellency, that I 
did read your proclamation for a faft " with great fatisfaftion." 
And, I further afliire you, that my friends here, delegates from 
Maffachufetts manifefted the like fatisfaiftion : v.e all approved of 
the religious fentiments you exprefled. But your Excellency 
knows, and the world knows, that fuch a proclamation may be ii- 
fued, and other external marks of chriftianity be exhibited, and 
" the weighter matters of the law be omitted." 

This leads me to another paffage in your letter. Having re- 
fufed to lay my letter before the legiflature, you and your parti- 
fans have laboured for rcafons as well to jufl.ify the refufal, as to de- 
cry the letter itfelf. Among other things, it has been reported to 



\ 



be " an eleftioneering letter.'" And your Excellency, as if to 
give your faiiAion to that report, has faid, that tiiy htter was printed 
before you recei'ued It by the mail. 

If at a momentous crifis, to exhibit a plain, unvarniflied tale 
of truth before the eyes of a people mifled by the partial ftale- 
meiits or mifreprefentations of pretenders to repubhcai^dni ai.d pa- 
triotifm, be in itielf proper, ought my letter to be cenfured as an 
eleftioneering projeft ? Why do we boaft of the freedom of the 
prtfs, but for its ufcfulnefs, in a free country, to convey correft in- 
formation to the people ? Certain news-papers had long been the 
vehicles of misftatements and falfehoods, calculated to deceive the 
people. It was at fuch a time that I thought it my duty to come 
forward with a ftatement of the fituation of our piiblick affairs — fo 
far as we were pernutted to know them — and to vouch for the truth 
of ihe J?atemeiil with my name. I knew that this woi'ld cillurb the 
hornet's reft, and put the inf( tls on the wing ; and tl;at with in- 
creafcd venom they would dart at me their poifoned fliiips : but 
armed with truth, as with a coat of mail, I had nothing to fear 
from their attacks. 

In your Excellency's letter to me of the ISth of March, you 
" fay, I have read your letter in print, fince 1 returned the manufcript. 
*' // iveis priiUcii, I Jind, before I received it ly the m. it. ' ' Really, 
Sir, with all my previous information of your charafter, I was a'lon- 
ifiied at this declaration to me ; and in writing under your hand, 
which will preclude all evafion ; and when the fallvhood of the af- 
fertion was of fo eafy detedlion. I will ftatc the fafts. — My let- 
ter bears date the 16th of February. On the 2Cth I put it into 
the poft-office at Walliington. In your letter of March Sd, you 

acknowledged its receipt on the 2d On the 21 ft of February I 

put into the poft-ofGce here, the copy of my letter of Fibruary 
16th, addrcfll-d to a friend in Bofton. This friend, in his letter of 
March 3d, acknowledged the receipt of that copy. He faid alfo, 
that after waiting as long as decorum required, for a communica- 
tion of it through th,e medium of the legiflature, the prefs would 
give the lette r to the people in a pamphlet. A ftiort addrefs to 



a- 

tlie reader, prefixed to the printed letter, is dated at Bofton the 
9th of March — the very day on wiiich I received at Walhington 
your letter of the 3d. 

But your Excellency was not contented with the pofitive af- 
fcrtion, thai the letter <ivns printed before you received it by the mail .• 
you meant to induce behef in the affcrtion, by fuggefting fome 
ground for it. Your words are, " It was printed, IJind, before I 
" received it by the mail ;" as if your Excellency had made a pre- 
vious inquiry for the purpofe of afccrtaining the fact. And of 
whom would your Excellency, as a lawyer — of whom would any 
man of common fenfe, make the enquiry ? Certainly of the printers 
who fet their names on the title page of the letter : and if you had 
inquired of them, you would have found thai it was not printed be- 
fore you received it, nor until after you had acknowledged the re- 
ceipt of it.* The fads which I have ftated, demonftrate the im- 
pojilility of luhat you ajert. This will enable every reader duly to 
cftimate all your other affertions. 

Your Excellency unqueftionably intended to print the whole of 
Tovir letter, and if, by a bold aflertion, you could have fatistied the 
people tliat mine was printed before yoi. received it, it would liave 
countenanced the report of your friends, that it was merely an elec- 
tioneering letter, and unworthy of credit. But refiefting after- 
wards on the certainty of dtteftion, you concluded, to keep out of 
fight the greater part of your letter, and particularly the part on 
which I am now commenting ; hoping that, deterred by your ex- 
traordinary charges againft me, comprehending thofe of exciting 
ledilion and rebellion, I ftiould not dare to pubhHi it.f 

You fuggeft that I have perverted your invitation to the peo- 
ple to pray for a blefiing on their enterprizes by fea and land, and 

* The manuscript was received by us on the /Jth, and the work expect- 
ed to be published on the 9th — a few of the first copies Iiowever were extorted 
from us on the evening of the Sth. Crtemuglj tS* Stebbint. 

t A paragraph in the Chronicle, of the 28t]i April, (igned Cato, fuUy con- 
jams the truth of this opinion of Col. Pickering. iJilir. 



15 

ttfed (or to take your own word) " improved" it to urge them to 
feditiou and rebellion againll the government of the nation :" That 
my letter appears to you to have been " a feditious, diforganizing 
" produftion :" That it was defigned " to difunite, divide, and 
" diflblve the union :" That " the fura of all my labours was to 
" excite unealinefs, difcontent, and divifions in the nation :" That 
" if there ever was an attempt in its nature and confequences tend- 
" ing to rebellion and fedition, this is one :" That my "addrefs 
" evidently tends to the overthrow and dinblution of the United 
" States as a nation :" And that, " Let our national government 
•' be BAD or good, we have nothing but that, under God, to fave 
" us from aggravated ruin ; and yet your exertions appear to me to 
" lead directly to its fubvcrfion." 

Thefe are heavy charges ; and your Excellency, though your- 
felf a lawyer, would perhaps have adled prudently to have taken 
counfel before you advanced them. To anfwer and repel the 
whole — seeing you do not point to a fingle paffage in my letter to 
fupport them — it might be fufficient to fay, t'nat they are all un- 
founded. — If my letter were " feditious, and diforganizing, _ and 
tending to excite rebellion" — it is very wonderful that your Ex- 
cellency ftiould have been the firft and only perfon to make the 
difcovery. If I needed any authority of opinion againft yours, I 
could quote that of ftatefmen and lawyers of the firft diftinftion in 
the United States, who have honoured me with their approbation 
and thanks. But however gratifying this tinfought praifc ol highly 
refpeftable individuals, I need not flop here. My letter is before 
my fellow citizens in Maflacliufetts : it is indeed before the na- 
tion : and the decided approbation of the thoufands who have 
read it, demonftrate not only the extreme anxiety of the publick 
mind to obtain the information I gave ; but that the fads ftated 
carried conviction of their truth and importance, and juftified my 
inferences. I fay not thefe things boaftingly : for I feel no other 
emotion than what every man muft feel who aims to ferve his coun- 
try, and finds his labours have not been in vain. — Your reproaches. 
Sir, and the reproaches of other men like you, detraft nothing 
from my peace of mind. Improbis vituperan, limdarl ejl. And 



16 

let me aflure your Excellency, that altliougli this kind of praife 
will not make me vain, it will never make me aiigr)'. 

I (hall pafs over your Excellency's doftrincs o( pajjive oledi- 
encc, and blind confidence in our rulers ; that the free citizens of 
the only remaining republick on earth, ought filently to fubmit 
alike to a bad government and a good one ; and that it would be a 
luajle nf time to inquire whether the embargo is right or lurong : on- 
ly remarking, that avowing fuch fervile tenets now alike fafliiona- 
ble in France and Turkey, in refpeft to their defpotick maftcrs) 
you characterifticuUy pronounce my pliin hiflory of the embargOi 
an attempt " to difunite, divide, and difTolve the nation." 

I could fill a volume with juft remarks on your Excellency's 
letter ; but I fear tiring thole who may take an intereH in our 
con-efpondence ; and therefore pafs unnoticed many fubjefts of 
animadverfion. But there are two prominent ones which I mufl 
not omit. 

The firft is a plain infmuation, of a nature to excite aftonifh- 
raent that I <was conneded luith liaron Burr, in the lonfpiracy with 
which he has been charged ! I now undcrftand your Excellency's 
letter to me of the 2kh of laft January ; which being remarkable 
for nothing but its abfurdity, I had thrown by, and nearly for- 
gotten. — I had fent you the printed papers laid before the Senate, 
in the cafe of John Smith, feiiator from Ohio, accufed of having 
been concerned in that confpiracy. Among the papers was the 
report of the committee in the cafe, drawn up by my colleague, Mr. 
Adams, the chairman ; which, I remarked, " could not fail to 
attraft attention ; efpecially of gentlemen" [like your Excellency] 
"of legal information. " And you mull have obferved, that it has 
attracted very great attention ; as will every tiling from the pen of 
Mr. Adams, whether it merit cenfure or applaufe. 

After thanking me for the commu.ication, which I thought 
would be intprelliiig to your Excellency almoll wholly on account 
of my colleague's report, — you da(h away in the following ilrain. 



17 

" I have long been convinced that Burr's expedition was the land 
" detachment of Miranda's ; and both under a foreign influence : 
" that both were intended to difmember the union ; and to place 
'* the northern part of the United States, either civilly or politi- 
"callyi under the guidance of the Britifh cabinet. There are ma- 
" ny who co-operate in this projeft without knowing it. Burr 
" muft have had large fums. And I have no doubt but that a 
" great part of it went from this northern hemifphere. The kvr 
" who hate our forms of government have had addrefs enough to 
" conceal their principles from their followers." 

On fuch rodomontade, comment vi'ould feem to be thrown 
away. I certainly (hould never have noticed it, had not your Ex- 
cellency, in your letter of March 18th, prefented me with a new 
edition, with additions. 

After fuggefting that the tendency of my letter was to over- 
throw the national government, you thus addrefs me. " This dif- 
" folution you will deny to be an objecl with you ; but you will not 
" deny that there is in exiftencc fuch a man as Aaron Buit. You 
•' will not deny Miranda's expedition, or Burr's plot. You will 
" not hefitate to own that feveral millions of dollars have been by 
*' them expended, or that more than half of it was expended by 
" Burr, who had no money of his own. I do not call on you to 
" fay where this money was obtained ; you do not know. But 
" this you know, that fuccefs in that plot would have been the de- 
" ftruftion of the United States ; and that his plan would have 
" divided the nation, and placed the northern part of it under the 
" dominion of a foreign power." — All this your Excellency advan- 
ces with the affeftation of profound pohtical fagacity ; and with 
as much apparent gravity as if you expefted to be credited. 

No one will be foolifli enough to deny, what all the world 
knows, " Miranda's expedition" — unwarrantably commenced in 
this country, and defeated in the manner which is generally known : 
but not a man in the world, your Excellency excepted, will fup- 



18 

jjofe that Miranda's objeH in landing three or four hundred men in 
South-America, was to difnumber the United States. 

If the objeA contemplated by Mr. Burr was to difraember 
the union, to detach the weftern from the Atlantick dates, he muft 
have known it to be altogether imprafticable, without the general 
concurrence of the weftern people. He knew that foine leading 
men in that country (all profcffnig themfelves to be republicans) 
had formerly contemplated fuch a feparation ; and had been in- 
triguing with the Spanifli government to accomplifh it. It it 
now known that fome of thefe men were penlioners of Spain. Is 
it not probable that Mr. Burr, in his viCt to the weftern country, 
in 1805, converfed with men of influence there, who might be dif- 
pofed to a feparation ? and that he millook iheir ideas of it for the 
fentiment of the people at large ? and thence conceived the projeft 
of a feparation to be feafible ? 

But inftead of feveral millions of dollars being at Mr. Burr's 
difpofal (which you have permitted yourfelf to fay that I (hall not 
hefitate to own — plainly infinuating that I know, and know as a 
partaker in his plot) every man of information, in the Atlantic 
ftates, knows that Mr. Burr's want of credit was fuch, that no per- 
fons (certainly no federahfts) could have been found to advance 
Jiim, on his own fccurity, even a fmall fura. But when he was in 
Kentuckey, where his true charafter was not generally known, 
fome of the inhabitants were furprized, as I have underftood, into 
an acceptance of his bills, to the amount of forty or fifty thoufand 
dollar , drawn on places where he had no funds to difcharge them. 
And would any man, witli feveral millions in his hands, refort to 
fuch diflionourable means to raife that comparatively trifling fum ? 
But your Excellency has further allowed yourfelf to fay, not only 
that Burr had feveral millions (or more than half of feveral millions) 
at his difpofal, but that you have no doubt that a great part of his 
large funis went from the northern hemtfphere ! as, with your char- 
afleriftick precifion you call the northern ftates. Is it poflible for 
your Excellency to mention one folitary reafon, or Jhadow of rea» 
Ion, that could induce federal men of property (for furcly you 



19 

would not implicate any of your own party) in Maflachufetts, for 
inftance, to advance a great part of fevcral millions of dollars to any 
man, much lefs to the man whom they detcfted — as a Catiline, an 
unprincipled, profligate man — and for the purpofe of detaching the 
weftern from the Atlantic itates ? This is fuch an abfurdity as 
would expofe any charadler of lefs weight than your Excellency's 
to derifion. Yet abfurd and incredible as it is, that Burr flioidd 
have had feveral millions in his hands, you have proved yourfelf 
capable of infmuating that / knew where he obtained them ! 

That Mr. BuiT, in 1 806, formed fome projedl injurious to the 
United States, I have not doubted. And yet the ftate of the 
countiy, the good difpofition of the people, and his abfolute want 
of means, prefented fuch infuperable difficulties to the execution of 
a projeft fo extenfive as the difmemberment of the union, or the 
invafion of Mexico, — that the conception of one or the other, by 
a man of Mr, Burr's underftanding, conld be accounted for only 
from a confideration of his forlorn condition. — I think it was in 
January 1807, when at Wafhington, where Burr's plot almoft en- 
grofTed the publick attention, that in writing to a friend, in order to 
avoid the imputation of weak credulity, as to the exiftence of a 
projeft fo manifeftly imprafticable, I thought it necefiary to ilate 
the grounds of my own behef : fuch as, that Mr. Burr was a bank- 
rupt in fame and fortune : that he faw the impoffibihty of ever 
retrieving either in the United States ; while his ambition had no 
bounds : that whatever might be the iifue of his enterprize, his 
condition could not well be worfe : and that reduced to ikfperation, 
he might form the wildeft projefls ; knowing, that if by any pofli- 
bihty he could fucceed, he might again become an important man ; 
and if he failed, tjjat he might be eafed of a life v^'hich a man, of 
his afpiring mind, reduced to poverty, and dcftitute of power, might 
confider worfe than death. 

Such, Sir, was my view of tise man and his pi'ojeA with which 
you have the temerity to infinuate that I was connefted ! A man 
who I beheved could fo eafily accommodate his principles to his 
ambition ! A man to whom as Prcfidcnt of the Senate, I liad, in- 



20 

deed, manifefted the ufual civilities demanded by our relative ofH- 
cial fituations ; but from whom I had withdrawn, during his laft 
year's prefidency of the Senate, all pcrfonal regard. Yes — I 
had purpofely withheld my hand irom h'u, then reeking with the 
blood of the murdered Hamilton. 

Hear me farther. A few days before the clofe of the fame 
feffion of Congrcfs, a bill was brought into the Senate, to grant to 
Mr. BuiT the privilege of fending and receiving letters and pack- 
ets by the mail, free of portage, during life. Mr. Burr was in the 
chair ; and his prefence is impofing. Ncvcrthelefs, the bill was op- 
pofcd. The oppofition was begun by Mr. Hillhoufe and myfclf. 
But the bill was pafled in the fenatc, by a majority of 18 to 13. 
In the houfe of reprefentatives it failed at once, by an indefinite 
poftponement. 

And yet. Sir, with this man, thus detefted, and finally with^ 
flood to the face, in a favourite meafure, which by means of the 
poft-offices would have faciliatcd his projefts, whatever they were, 
and perhaps even then in contemplation ; — with this man you were 
defirous to have it believed that I was an afTociate ! — What lan- 
guage of reprobation would be too ftrong for fuch injuftice to my 
charadler .' Doubtlefs you intended that the people of MafTachu- 
fetts, and of the United States, as far as your letter fhould travel, 
fhould believe, or at lead fufpcft, that I was concerned in Burr's 
confpiracy ! For whoever reads your whole letter will fee that it 
was defigned for the news-papers : but your own refleftions, or 
the advice of friends, reftrained you to the publication of a part. 

One word more. You fay that fuccefs in Burr's plan would 
have divided the nation, and placed the northern part of it under 
the dominion of a foreign power. Will your Excelkncy have the 
goodncfs to inform the people of Maffachufetts, and of the United 
States, how a feparation of the luejlern Jlates would have placed 
the northern Jlates under the dominion of a foreign power ? To 
men whofe minds have the ordinary powers of difcernment, this is 
quite jncomprehenfiblc. Who but your Excellency would have 



21 

imagined that fuch a feparation would induce the Atlantick ftates 
further to diminilh their Ilrength, by a divifion into a northern and 
a foulhern feftion ? On the contrary, would not the northern and 
the fouthern ftates then cling more clofely together ? Tliffe are 
the thirteen United States, which, with half their prefent popula- 
tion, dared defy the power of Britain, and finally achieved their 
independence. Where, then, is the danger, of their being now 
brought into fubjcftion to the fame power ? 

The laft topic in your letter which I (hall notice, is in the 
following paflage. 

" We are wrong, if we quarrel with our own political exifl- 
" cnce. We are a nation ; and though there were not a few, -who 
" luere fed daily on the publich rations, that from timidity, or fame other 
" caufe, douhled the propriety of the declaration of independence, yet we 
" fhall now be wretched beyond defcription or example, if we di- 
" vide ourfelves among the European nations." 

Your Excellency's meaning here is obvious. You intended 
to have it underftood that I, from timidity, or fome other caufe — 
meaning, probably, attachment to the Britifli — " doubted the pro- 
priety of the declaration of independence ;" a charge utterly un- 
founded, and known to be fo, by every man in Maflachufetts ac- 
quainted with my life. 

I have hitherto treated the various calumnies invented and dil- 
igently publiftied againft me, with filent contempt. In one in- 
ftance, indeed, fome of my friends folicited my confent to a pub- 
lick profecution. I yielded to their requeft. In my abfence, the 
libeller was indiftcd, conviftcd, and punifhed. And what can 
your Excellency imagine to have been one ground taken by his 
counfel, in defence, or to mitigate the punifhment of the libeller ? — 
Wantonly and cruelly afTailcd as I have been in news-papers devo- 
ted to the vileft flanders — flanders at this time renewed with in- 
creafed virulence, — fliall I be charged with vanity if I mention it ? 
It was to this effeft, as ftated to me, foon after, by one of the coun- 
fel for the profecution ; that the counfel for the libeller urged be- 



22 

fore the court, that the fa'irnefs of my charaBer was fo luell knoiun, 
and my reputation fa Jlrmly ejlablijiied, the libel could have done me no 
injury. But, Sir, that trial was local ; and perhaps tjie knowledge 
of the proceedings has reached but a very few perfons ; while I 
have been (landered before the nation. Perhaps I have too long 
filently defpifed the flanders and their authors. ' But at the pref- 
ent time a governour of the commonwealth of Maflachufctts has 
lent himfelf to their aid. 

I am now, Sir, far advanced in life, I have children and 
grand-children who, when I am gone, may hear thefe flanders re- 
peatcd, and not have the means of repelling them. I have, too, 
fomc invaluable friends in moft of the ftates, and many in that 
which gave me birth ; men who are the ornaments of fociety and 
of their country. All thefe, if not my country itfelf, interefted 
as it is in the publick concerns on which I firft addrefTed you — 
have claims which I ought not to leave unfatisficd. Thus called 
upon to vindicate my charafter, I am conflrained to give a concife 
narrative of my publick life. 

The difputes between Great-Britain and her American colo- 
nics (which now form the United States) commencing with the 
ftamp aft, in 1765, and revived in 1767, by the aft of parliament 
for raifmg a revenue in the colonies — gave rife to two parties, 
\vhich at length were diftinguifhcd by the names of whig and tory ; 
the latter acquiefcing in British claims of taxation ; the fomfer re- 
fifling them. — In 1767, the affembly of MafTachufetts fent a cir- 
cular letter to the fpeakers of the other Affemblies, for the pur- 
pofe of promoting the adoption of uniform meafures, (by petitions 
:ind remonftrances) to obtain a redrefs of grievances. Moft of 
'liofe affemblies concurred with that of MafTachufetts. — In 1768, 
a letter from Lord HilKborough required the affcmbly of MafTa- 
•hufetts to refcind the vote of their predeceflbrs for fending that 
circular letter. This was peremptorily refufed, by a majority of 
9'i to 17. The reprefentatives of Salem, my native town, were 
among the 17. At the next election, they were neglefted, and 
•.vhigs chofen in their ftead. This was the crifis of the political 



23 

revolution in that town. I was then four-and-twenty years old. 
My elder and only brother was chofen one of thi.- rcpreftntatives : 
and from that time I was myfelf aftively engaged in all the whig 
meafures which were preliminary to the final revolution and inde- 
pendence of the colonies Always a member of the coniniittees 
ofinfpeftion and correfpondence, the burthen of writing lefted 
upon me. Thofe writings, in their nature temporary, periflicd with 
the occafion. The memory of one of them, hovvevei, is preferved 
by Dr. Ramfay, in his elegant " Hiltory of the American Revo- 
lution." 

Wlien in 1774, the Britifli parliament, by an aft ufually called 
the Bojlon Port-Bill, (hut up the capital of MafTachufetts from the 
fea, thereby proftrating its aftive and extenfive commerce — as it is 
now proftrated by the a6ls of our own government, impofing the 
embargo — the feat of the provincial government was removed from 
fiollon to Salem. Sympathizing with the fufferers of Bofton, the 
inhabitants of Salem (I think in full town-meeting) voted an ad- 
drefs to the new governour. General Gage ; the great objeft of 
which was, fo far as an expreflion of their fentiments would go, to 
procure relief for their brethren in Bofton. That addrefs luas ivrlt- 
tcH by me. Its conclufion Dr. Ramfay has thought worth tran- 
fcribing on the page of hiftory. It here follows, with his intro- 
duftory obfervation. 

" The inhabitants of Salem, in an addrefs to Governour Gage, 
" concluded with thefe remarkable words — ' By (hutting up the 
" port of Bofton, fome imagine that the courfe of trade might be 
" turned hither, and to our benefit : But Nature, in the formation 
" of our harbour, forbid our becoming rivals in commerce with that 
" convenient mart ; and were it otherwife, we muft be dead to ev- 
'' ery idea of juftice, loft to all feelings of humanity, could we in- 
" dulge one thought to feize on wealth, and raife our fortunes on 
■• the ruins of our fuffcring neighbours." 

Another incident it may not be improper to mention. While 
"he feat of government remained at Salem, I received a note from 



2* 

the fecretaiy of the province, informing me that the govcmour 
wifticd to fee me at the fecrctar)''8 houfe. I went, and was intro- 
duced to General Gage. Taking me into another room, he enter- 
ed into convcrfation on the then ftate of things, the folemn league 
and covenant, and the non-importation agreements. In the con- 
clufion, the general faid — " Well, there are merchants who, not- 
" withftanding all your agreements, will import Britilh goods." 
I anfwered — " They may import them, but the people will ufe 
" their liberty to buy or to let tliem alone." 

' Thcfe incidents are mentioned, not for any intrinfick import- 
ance attached to them ; but as evidences of the confidence I had 
acquired among my fellow-citizens, from an early period of our 
poUtical difputes with Great-Britain, 

On the 19th of April 1775, was the battle of Lexington. 
This is the era to which Slander feldom fails to recur, when, for 
party purpiifes, my charafter is to be held up to reproach. I will 
ftate tlie fafts, with all the accuracy in my power, after a lapfe of 
three-and-thirty years. 

About nine o'clock in the morning, being in my office (the 
regiftry of deeds for the county of Eflex) a captain of militia from 
the adjacent town of Danvers, came in and informed me that a 
man had ridden into that town, and reported that the Britifti troops 
had marched from Bofton to Lexington, and attacked the militia. 
This officer, whofe company belonged to my regiment, allied for 
orders, and I gave him a verbal anfwer, that the Danvers compa- 
nies (liould march without waiting for thofe of Salem. 

Immediately I went to the centre of the town, and met a few 
of the principal inhabitants. A fhort confultation enfued. Thofe 
who knew the diftance of Lexington from Salem, and its relative 
fituation to Bofton (of which I had no pcrfonal knowledge, and 
but an indiftinft idea) obfervcd, that the Britifti troops would cer- 
tainly have returned to Bofton long before the Salem militia could 
reach the fcene of the reported aftion ; and that our marching 



23 

would tliercfore be ufelefs. Neverthelefs, we concluded to affemble 
the militia, and commence our march ; and for this file reafin, — 
Thai it wotilJ be an evidence to our brethren in the country, of our dif- 
pofttion to co-operate in every meafure which the common fafety required. 
This idea, however, of the fruitleffiiefs of our march, was fo pre, 
dominant, that we halted a fliort time, when about two miles from 
the town ; expefting every moment intelligence that the Britidi 
troops had returned. ■ But receiving none, we refumed our march, 
and proceeded to Medford, which was about five miles from Bof. 
ton. Here, to the beft of my recolleftion, I firft received certain 
information that the Britilh troops were ftill on their march, and on 
a route which rendered it pofllble to meet them. I haftened the 
march of the militia on the direcl road to Charleftown and Bofton ; 
until on an elevated part of the road, I faw the fmoke from the fire 
of a fmall number of militia mufliets difcharged at a diftance, at the 
Britifh troops. I halted the companies, and ordered them to load ; 
in full expeftation of coming to an engagement. At that moment 
a meflenger arrived from General Heath, who informed me that 
the Britifh troops had their artillery in their rear, and could not be 
approached by muHcetry ; and that the general defired to fee me. 
Leaving the companies in that pofition, I went acrofs the fields, 
and met General Heath. We there foon after faw the Biitifli 
troops afcend the high ground called Bunker's hill. It was about 
funfet. The next day they entered Bofton. — I laft fummer faw 
General Heath : he did not remember this interview. He had 
even forgotten my perfon ; although we were acquainted with each 
other, both before and during the American war. — I returned to 
join the Salem militia, who marched back to Medford, where we 
ftaid that night, and the next day returned to Salem. 

According to Dr. Ramfay, the Britifh forces who marched 
to Lexington were 800 grenadiers and light infantry, the flower of 
tlie royal array; auj they were reinforced by a detachment of 900 
men under Lord Piercy. Of this number nearly three hundred 
were killed, wounded and taken prifoners ; leaving a regular force 
of MOO men ; for not deftroying whom, or making them prifoners, 
wiih four companies of militia, I have been reproached. 
4- 



'25 

I tliiiik it was before the clofe of the year 1775, that in or- 
ganizing the provifional government of MaiTachufctts, I was ap- 
pointed one of the judges of the court of common pleas for Effex, 
my native county, and fole judge of the maritime court (which 
had cognizance of all prize-caufcs) for the middle diftrift, compre- 
hending Bofton, with Salem and the other ports in Eflex ; offices 
which I held until I accepted an appointment in the army. 

In the fall of 1776, the army under General Wafhington's 
command being greatly reduced in numbers, a large reinforcement 
of militia was called for ; I think 5000 from MafTachufetts. I 
took the command of the regiment of 700 men furnifhed from Ef- 
fex. The quota of Salem was compofed of volunteers. The af- 
peft of our affairs was gloomy I addreffed the Salem militia, urg- 
ing a cheerful tender of their fervices. One fentiment I exprelTdd 
on that occafion is frefli in my memory : T/jat it 'was at fuch a time 
the real patriot tvouldjhotu his zeal and devotion to his country. 

This tour of militia duty was performed in the winter of 
1776 — 7; terminating at Boundbrook, in New-Jerfey ; General 
Wafhington's head-quarters being at Morriftovvn. 

Soon after my return home, I received an invitation from 
General Wafhington, to take the office of adjutant-general. This 
I accepted, and joined the army under his command at Middle- 
brook, in New-Jerfey. 

General Howe having embarked his ai-my at New- York, 
to proceed, as it was underflood, cither to Delaware or Chcfapeake 
Bay, General Wafhington's army marched from New-Jerfey to the 
ftate of Delaware ; and thence into the adjacent part of Pennfyl- 
vania, to oppofc the Britifh army then marching from the Head of 
Elk for Philadelphia. On the 11th of September, the battle of 
Brandywine took place. A.fter carrying General Wafliington's 
orders to a general officer at Chadsford, I repaired to the right, 
where the battle commenced ; and remained by the general's fide 
to its termination at the clofe of the day. Orders were given for 



27 

the troops to rendezvous at Chefter, whence they marched the next 
day to the neighborhood of Philadelphia. When refreflied, and 
fupphed with ammunition, the army again crofled the Schuylkill 
river, and advanced to meet General Howe. On the 16th of Sep- 
tember, in the morning, information was received of the approach 
of the enemy. Some detachments were made to reinforce the ad- 
vanced guards, and keep the enemy in check, until the American 
army (hould be arrayed for aftion. General Wafliington ordered 
me to the right wing, to aid in forming the order of battle. On 
my return to the centre, I found the line not forrned. Seeing the 
commander in chief with a number of officers about him, as in con- 
fultation, I prefTed my horfe up to learn the objeft. It was a 
queltion whether we fliould receive the Britifh on the ground then 
occupied by our troops, or retire beyond a valley in their rear, in 
which the ground was faid to be wet, and impaffable with artillery, 
which, in cafe of a defeat, would of courfc be loft ; excepting that 
with the left wing commanded by General Greene, through which 
there was a firm road. By this time, the fire of the troops engag- 
ed appeared to be drawing near. At this moment, the confulta- 
tion yet continuing, I addrefied General Wafhington. " Sir, (faid 
" I) the advancing of the Britifli is manifeft by the reports of the 
" muflcetry. The order of battle is not completed. If we are to 
" fight the enemy on this ground, the troops ought to be immedi- 
" ately arranged. If we are to take the high grounds on the other 
" fide of the valley, we ought to march immediately, or the enemy 
" may fall upon us in the midft of our movement." — "Let us 
" move" — was the General's anfwer. The movement took place. 
It had begun to rain. The Britifli army halted. Ours formed on 
the high ground beyond the valley, and there remained during a 
very rainy day. We then marched to a place called the Yellow 
Springs. — The cartridge boxes were bad, and nearly all the ammu- 
nition in them was fpoiled. Hence it became necefiary to keep 
aloof from the enemy till frefii ammunition couM be made up and 
diftributed.* 

* Since writing this, I Iiave turned to Gordon's hiftory (not twenty 
pages of which 1 liad ever read; to fee his account of tliis day's proceedings. 
My ftatement lurniflies additional circimulances. I have recited what //i'!'' 
and what Ipirfanally hiov. 



2S 

On the 4tli of Oftober, General Wafhington attacked the 
Britirti troops at Germantown. After the right wing, commanded 
by General Sullivan, had for fome time been briflily engaged. Gen- 
eral Wafliington fcnl me forward with an order to that officer. 
Having delivered it, I returned to rejoin the commander in chief. — 
It had been found that a party of the Britifh troops had taken poll 
in a large and ftrong ftone houfe, fince well known by the name of 
Chew's houfe, on which our light field artillery could maku no im- 
preflion. Tliis houfe flood back a few rods from the road. I firll 
difcovered the enemy to be there, by their firing at me from the 
windows, on my return from General Sullivan. 

On rejoining General Wafliington, I found a qucflion was agi- 
tated, in his prefence. Whether the whole of the troops then be- 
hind fhould pafs on, rcgardlefs of the enemy in Chew's houfe, or 
fummon tlicm to furrender. A brave and diftinguifhed officer (now 
110 more) urged a fummons. He faid it would be " unmilitary to 
" leave a caftle in our rear."' I anfwered — " doubtlefs, that is a 
" correft general maxim ; but it does not apply in this cafe. We 
" know the extent of this caftle (Chew's houfe ;) apd to guard 
" againft the danger from the enemy's fallying out and falhng on 
«' the rear of our troops, a fmall regiment may be polled here to 
" watch them : and if they fally out, fuch a regiment mill late care 
" of them. But (I added) to fummon them to furrender will be ufe- 
" lefs. We arc now in the midH of the battle ; and its ifTue is un- 
" known. In this flate of uncertainty, and fo well fecured as the 
" enemy find themfelves, they will not regard a fummons : they -will 
^^ jirc at yourjiiig." — However, a fubaltern ofRcer, with a white 
flag and drum, was fent with a fummons. He had reached the 
gate at the road, when a ihot from a window gave him a wound of 
v.'hich he died.* 



* Here, again, I have fiucc looked at Gordon's account. He mentions 
General Knox as the officer who faid " it would be unmilitary to leave a caf- 
" tie in our rear." It was General Knox. And it was to him (in the presence 
of General Wartiin;;ton) that I gave tlic anfwcr above fiated in my letter. Gor- 
don puts the following words into the mouth of General Reed, in anfwer to 
General Knox — " What ! call this a fort, and lofe the happy moment " — But 
Ceiicral Reed was not prefcnt. He liad been adjutant-general in 1776 j but 



29 

In December, the army marched to Valley Forge, and tooli 
ap their winter quarters in log huts which they creiSed at that place. 

Before this, the Congrefs, then fitting at Yorktown in Penn- 
fylvania, had elefled me a member of the Continental Board of 
War. General Gates and General Mifflin were elefted members 
of the fame board : and before the expiration of the winter, we re- 
paired to Yorktown, where the board fat. In this ftation I re- 
mained until General Greene refigned the office of quartcr-mafler- 
general. On the 5th of Auguft 1780, Congrefs eletled me hiafuc- 
celfor ; and I continued in the office of quarter-raafter-general dur- 
ing the remainder of the war. 

The projeft of befieging the city of New- York, in 1781, hav- 
ing been relinquifhed, and the fiege of Yorktown, in Virginia, re- 
folved on, I received General Wafliington s orders to prepare im- 
mediately for the march of a part of the army to that place, and 
for the tranfportation of artillery, and of all the ftores requif.te for 
the fiege. This was done. The event is known to every body. 
Lord Cornwallis and his army were made prifoners. This decided 
the fate of the war. In the fucceeding winter, the Britifh govern- 
ment, defpairing of conqueft, abandoned all offenfive operations in 
America: and in November, 1782, articles of peace were agreed on. 

From the the year 1790 to 1794', I was charged, by Gen- 
eral Waihington (then Prefident of the United States) with fev- 
eral negociations with the Indian nations on our frontiers : In 
1793, in a joint commiflion with General Lincoln and Beverly 
Randolph, Efq. of Virginia, to treat of peace with the weftcrn 
Indians : And in \7Dh I was appointed the fole agent to adjuft all 
our difputes with the fix nations ; which were terminated by a 
fatisfaclory treaty. 



did not now belong to the army. Early in December, afterwards, when Gen- 
eral Howe marched from Piiiladelphia to Chcfmit-Hill, (the American army 
being then ported two or three miles farther off, on the high grounds of 
White- Marllij General Kecd was with a party of Pennfylvinia militia; 
and in a Ilcirmifli with fume Eiitifli troops, had a horfc fliot' under liim: an 
rvent wliidi has furnillied a fubject for »n hiP.orick painter. 



30 

r.i the year 1791, General Wafliington appointed me Poft- 
Mafter General. In this office I continued until the clofc of the 
year ITQ* ; when, on tlie rcfignation of General Knox, I was ap- 
pointed Secretary of War. In Auguft 1795, Mr. Edmund Ran- 
dolph having refigned the office of fecretary of ftatc. General 
Washington gave me the temporary' charge of that department alfo. 
Some time before the meeting of Congrefs, wliich was in Decem- 
ber following, he tendered to me the office of Secretary of State. 
At the fame time he frankly told me the names of feveral gentlemen 
whom lie had invited to accept, but who had declined the office. 
They were men of the firft abilities and diftinftion, and for whom 
I entertain the highcll refpcft. General Wafhingtoii knew me well, 
and that I had not enough of vanity or ambition to be wounded or 
humbled by his preference of thofc men. ■ I only regretted that 
they all declined the office. For myfelf, I objefted that the duties 
of the department of ftate were foreign to my former purfuits in 
life ; and I thought myfelf unequal to the proper difcharge of 
them. He defired me to take the matter into confideration. When 
he again fpoke to me on the fubjcft, I obferved, that although the 
gentlemen he had named to me, declined the office, yet, by a little 
delay he might find fome other candidate to fill it. The fcffion of 
Congrefs was approaching. By inquiry among the members, he 
might obtain information of a fit charadler not then occurring to 
him ; and I requeiled him to poftpone the matter till the meeting 
of Congrefs. The prefident acquiefced. But as foon as Congrefs 
affembled — without fpeaking to me again, he nominated me to the 
fenate to be fecretary of ftate : and the fenate approved the nom- 
ination. I continued in this office until May 1800 ; when I was 
removed by the late Prefident Adams. On this aft I (hould ftill 
have continued filent, had it not given occafion to add one more 
reproach to the former malicious (landers on my charaftcr. — I am 
reproached for having been removed from the office of fccretaiy of 
ftate (as I have juft mentioned) on the fuppofition that this would 
not have been done but for fomc fufficicnt caufc, honourable to the 
prefident, and diffionourable to me. On this I muft remark, that 
I had held that office about a year and a half under General Wafli- 
ington, and three years and two nioiilhs under Frefident Adams, 



31 

and until ten months only remained of his own term of office. 
For what did he remove me ? — He never told me. Was it for any 
diflionell or difiionourable aft ? — He will not fay it. Was it for 
Britiih attachments ? — He will not fay it. Was it for my inca- 
pacity ? — If that were the caufe, and it be well founded, a ilatef- 
man of his experience and difcernment ought fooner to have made 
the difcovei-y. — But without troubling myfelf about my difmiflion, 
which even at the time excited a fcarcely fenfible refcntmcnt, and 
after that httle had ceafed for years ; I fliould not now have men- 
tioned the fubjeft, had not the herd of libellers, and your Excel- 
lency's own infinualions, conftrained me to exhibit this narrative 
of the principal incidents of my life. To my friends I am fure it 
will not be unintcrefting : and I fondly hope that others of my 
fellow citizens who may read it, will not think the time lofl which 
fliall be occupied in the perufal. I hope alfo, that to oppole a fc- 
ries of incontrovertible fafts to general reproach, may not be deem- 
ed an improper mode of vindication. 

At the clofe of the year 1801, I returned to hve in Mafla- 
chufetts. In 1803, the leg^flature appointed me a fenator to rep. 
refent the ftate in Congrefs, for the refidue of the term of Dwight 
Fofter, Efq. who had refigned. In 1805, the legiflature again 
elefted me a fenator, and for the term of fix years. ,. 

Such, Sir, is the publick life of the man whom you have wan- 
tonly defamed, and whofe charafter your fliamelefs advocates have 
attempted to deftroy. 

Being in debt for new lands purchafed fome years before, and 
by the appreciation of which I had hoped to have made an event- 
ual provifion for my eight furviving children ; and having no other 
refources ; — as foon as I was removed from office, in 1800, I car- 
ried my family from Philadelphia into the country ; and with one 
of my fons went into the back woods of Pennfylvania, where, with 
the aid of fome labourers, we cleared a few acres of my land, 
fowed wheat, and built a log hut, into which I meant the next 
year to remore my family — From this condition we were drawn 



....±.... o ^ 

by the kindnefs of my friends in MafTachufetts. By the fpontane- 
ous hbcrality of thofe friends (of wiiom fome were then to me un- 
known ) in taking a transfer of new lands (for my fake, not their 
own ) in exchange for money, I was enabled to pay my debts, to 
return to my native flate, and finally to purchafe a fmall farm, in 
Effex, on winch I live, which I cultivate with my own hands, and 
literally with the fweat of my brow. In this retreat, engaged in 
what with peculiar pleafure I had always contemplated, rural occu- 
palions, I have found contentment. 

This long letter. Sir, I {liall fend to the printer : it being the 
mode of communication which your Excellency has been pleafed to 
propofe. 

1 remain, Sir, 

Your humble Servant, 

TIMOTHY PICKERIXr;. 

His Excellency JAMES SULLIVAN, Efq. 
Governor of the Commou'weahh of Majfachufetts. 



